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ain the page.A quick icebreaking question from the instructor elicits a scattershot of financial motivations for being here: Want to make some money.Career change.My company wants a home page to sell their cars.It's where the action is, I want to be there, too.The Web, known for its userfriendly graphics, is the fastestgrowing portion of the Internet, (also known as the Net, the worldwide network of computers). Reliable figures are hard to come by, but Network Solutions, which coordinates addresses on the Web, processes as many as 3,000 applications for addresses a day. And the number of Web hosts is expected to grow from 2.2 million in 1993 to more than 100 milli
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 t will automatically move into the Soviet sphere of influence and become hostile to the US.There has been no hint in Washington of late of any abatement of that assumption in his mind when he thinks about Central America. He is pushing ahead with his effort to undermine the Marxistled government in Nicaragua in spite of congressional unhappiness about his methods.The borderless television that threatens the commercial and political interests of many Asian nations has even aroused Japan, a relatively open society that is nonetheless wary of an invasion of its airwaves from outer space.A new type of nationalism is forming against this intrusion, says Takaaki Hattori, a communications
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 etary. People around the globe are constantly tinkering with it, adding useful features to the basic set of instructions, creating new hybrids and applications, and altering those created by earlier efforts. This informal system of fluid, decentralized, and public software development is collectively known as the open source movement.Because modern electioncampaign messages are so well crafted, the resulting campaigns are also open source. At their core is a message that is (like Linux), simple, stable, and easy to understand. The basic strategy is transparent. Independent groups can take over certain electioneering functions. The message is simple, so it's easy to fit outside effor
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 reat political and personal cost, he took it upon himself to sound the warning.Armed with facts and figures secretly provided by a remarkable network of informants in the Foreign Office, the military, and even Germany, Churchill detailed the German arms buildup  especially in air power  in the House of Commons (often to a nearly empty chamber), on lecture platforms, and in newspaper columns. He used every note in his wide rhetorical range to embolden a government that was, he said, decided only to be undecided, resolved to be irresolute, adamant for drift, solid for fluidity, allpowerful to be impotent.This tireless, defiant, indomitable performance was perhaps Winston Churchill
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